A CRITICAL RESPONSE
to
Alan M.
Dershowitz’s Should the Ticking Bomb
Terrorist be Tortured?
It seems that Dershowitz’s justification
of torture is largely founded on the notion that if we are to embrace our general
belief that civil liberties may be forgone in certain circumstances to
preserve public safety, then this should also apply to instances where torture
is necessary, despite our instinctual aversion to torture. While he effectively
contrasts these two intuitions, it is not so convincing why it is the latter that
ought to be abandoned.
His comparison of torturing the ticking
bomb terrorist with the shooting of a fleeing felon fails to recognize the
differing objectives of violence and their implications. Shooting the fleeing
felon is a direct counteraction to the threat he demonstrably poses in his
current state. The terrorist, having been arrested and now being held in
custody, poses no such threat that can be thwarted by a force against him. Violence
directed towards the terrorist in the “ticking bomb scenario” is coercive
rather than defensive. This poses a problematic disparity, as for the fleeing
felon to be spared he must only stop and surrender, whereas the terrorist’s fate
relies on his knowledge - which we cannot be certain that he possesses. Though
it may betray the parameters of the hypothetical, we must consider the case where
the terrorist actually does not know where the bomb is (him being innocent, suffering
amnesia, etc. are possibilities in the real world, the same one that Dershowitz
often relates to), and thus must either lie or be doomed to prolonged agony and
potentially lasting psychological trauma. While Dershowitz criticizes case
utilitarian arguments for lacking an “inherently limiting principle”, it is
unclear under his analysis what would limit the torture when the desired
information does not or cannot come forward. At what point does it end? When violent
force is used to entice one to perform an action (such as providing
information), unlike when it is used stop or prevent performing one (such as in
the case of a fleeing felon), those who lack the ability to perform said action
have no legitimate means to avoid it.
Asking whether we may justify torturing a
terrorist who knows the location of
a bomb is akin to asking “Is it justifiable to sentence the death penalty to a murderer
we know is guilty?” While it may be
in that instance, absolute certainty is rare, and allowing it then establishes
a dangerous precedent (that has actually resulted in many wrongful executions).
And while torture is of a lesser magnitude than execution, we should reasonably
expect a far greater degree of uncertainty that the ticking bomb terrorist has
been correctly identified than the death row candidate. Given that wrongful
executions have occurred following a trial and years of appeal processes, surely
the margin of error would be dramatically increased in an extremely time
sensitive “ticking bomb” scenario, for which Dershowitz’s contends a mere
warrant should be sufficient.